The working hours has been an important indicator among labour market indicators. we can summarize the situation as follows. 

  (1)    22 per cent of the global workforce, or 614.2 million workers, are estimated to be working in excess of 48 hours a week. (2)The trend in changes in weekly working hours during 1995-2004, despite the global convergence toward a statutory 40-hour week, is rather mixed. Enforcement of the statutory maximum work hours is estimated to be less than 50 percent globally. (3) The gap between industrialized and developing countries in terms of average working hours in the manufacturing sector has not narrowed much. Although a negative correlation exists between hours worked and per capita income, it masks wide differences among individual low-income and high-income countries. (4) In both industrialized and developing countries, working hours vary greatly among different groups of workers in different sectors, gender being a major factor. For male workers, working hours exceed 49 hours in many countries. For female workers, working hours are generally lower due to the part-time nature of their work. Age is not as significant a factor as gender. (5) Average hours of work are notably long in some services sectors such as wholesale and retail trade and hotels and restaurants; they are notably short in others such as government and education. (6) Workers in the informal economy, engaged primarily in self-employment — which accounts for at least three-fifths of informal employment in developing countries — toil very long hours, although self-employed women put in short hours in order to balance their family and work responsibilities.

But on the positive side, shorter working time can improve workers’ health, enrich family lives, reduce occupational accidents, enhance productivity and promote gender equality at work. On the negative side, fewer working hours, especially in developing countries, can result in rising underemployment and widening poverty if workers fail to earn enough to support themselves and their families. Therefore, reduction in working time by itself is not an adequate indicator of increasing economic and social wellbeing. What also matter are real wages that are determined by hourly productivity and wage policies.

A discussion on the global labour market must be commenced with a presentation of the 

demographic trends. Over the past fifty years, demographic factors had a significant influence 

on labour markets, and these changes will go even further in the next fifty years. Since the 

labour market is becoming ever more global, the demographic changes will be increasingly 

influential on local labour markets. According to UN estimates3, Europe’s population in 1950 

was 547 million, in 2005 ― 728 million, and is bound to decrease to 653 million in 2050, 

under the assumption that the present trends, including migrations, do not change 

significantly. It is estimated that over the next 45 years, when the European population drops 

by 75 million, the Asian population will grow by 1.3 billion, and the African population ― by 

over a billion. 

 

According to this data: In my opinion, there are three vital and far-reaching conclusions to 

be drawn. Firstly, the Asian population will account for over a half of the world’s population, 

and if the economic growth continues to significantly exceed the growth dynamics in the US 

and Europe, Asia will become the world’s economic centre. 

Secondly, the share of Europe in the world’s population will decrease threefold over a 

hundred years, i.e. in the period from 1950 to 2050. This means that if the Old Continent 

does not respond appropriately to the globalization challenges, in a few dozen years, all 

major global decisions will be made outside Europe, especially if the integration tendencies 

are continued in Asia, including the possible adoption of a single currency, which may be 

tentatively called  the “asian”.4 

Thirdly, the share of Africa in the world’s population will be a mirror image of the 

European trends and will increase almost threefold. It is still a very poor continent, of an 

unfavourable climate and poorly qualified workforce. However, in my opinion, the African 

countries will join the process of globalization in the manufacturing and services sectors sooner than it is expected, and some countries of the African continent may experience a very high economic growth rate in the decades to come, if their key political decision-makers take the chance that the globalization process gives.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Turkey, which sought an outlet for surplus population, and Germany which faced labor shortages as its economy boomed. Subsequent agreements were signed with other European countries, including Austria, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Sweden.Currently 3.2 million Turkish nationals live in Europe, according to one estimate . Later, coinciding with the economic boom after the 1973 oil crisis, smaller numbers of economic migrants left for countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), such as Iraq, Libya, and Saudi Arabia. At the same time, in the other direction, Turkey has had a long-standing policy of promoting immigration compatible with the Notably, a reversal of net migration flows occured after 1980 and affected labour market performance.From 1970 -80 around  660.000 emigrants  reduced population  growth on average by 0,6 percent, while from 1981 – 2001 ,3.0  million  immigrants  raised growth  0.7 percent. 







 

Women’s joining to the business life and being employed in every field, are important to
make sustainable development and improvement steady. This situation is tried to be supported by
many international policy. In the world from the 1970s up to now, although the ratio of women joining
the business world has been increasing, unfortunately it is just the opposite in Turkiye, being less all
the time. In the years 1970-1990 the percentage of women joining the business life decreased from 50%
to 30%. This ratio is now about 25%. This result has a lot of reasons. The rapid growth of population
and migration to the big cities has increased the ratio of unemployment. The majority of women
working in the villages, in agriculture have become unemployed in the cities. Further, the low education
level of women also affects women working. It is also observed that in many job sectors women are
working without any insurance. It is understood that there is no equity in the payment of the work
that women do. Educated women generally take place in the field of service, finance, insurance, estate,
wholesale or retail sale more than men. Low number of pre-school educational institutions is also
another reason for the less employment of women. The non existence of laws encouraging women
working and state’s having no positive discrimination for women are other reasons. In other words,
there are lots of problems about the employment of women in Turkiye and this has a quite negative
effect on the sustainable development of Turkiye.
But in the highlight of new developments in Turkiye the employment of women is also increasing and promising for future expectations.

According to the statistics, young people (between 15 and 29 years precisely) in Republic of Moldova form 1/4 of the whole population. In a country that faces different economical, social and political problems, young people are first of all exposed to different risks and difficulties. Young face a general incertitude towards the future, coming from the high unemployment rate, inflation, they don’t have access to qualitative information and services.

The degree of youth participation in public and political life is low. However the existing NGO’s and youth associations are quite active. The student self-government structures affirm themselves, more or less stronger, in the process of decision making inside the universities. There is also a network of youth resource centers acting on a regional and national level.

The unemployment is one of the key problems for young people in Moldova. Despite the government efforts in offering employment facilities for young graduates, the youth policies and lows don’t work effectively, there are insufficient opportunities of getting a job. In this way young people refuse to accept a low salary and frequently choose to work abroad.

Women contribute to the APEC economies as workers in employment and the informal sector, as entrepreneurs and investors in business, and through their unpaid work. Women’s participation in the labour force has been rising dramatically in the Asia-Pacific region: women now comprise between 32 and 46 per cent of the labour force in individual economies. From the 1980s, women have been providing a large part of the new labour supply in both industrialized and developing economies. In export industries, they have provided as much as 80 per cent of the labour force in some economies. In most comprise a significant share of employment in most sectors. Although not readily distinguished in official statistics, women’s businesses are also a significant and growing force in most APEC economies. Where data are available, women-led businesses have been found to account for 23 to 36 per cent of all businesses, and to be expanding more rapidly than the business sector as a whole. In other economies, the high proportion of women employers and self-employed workers suggests that women are equally important in the business sector. Women are particularly active in the informal sector, which is both a significant part of the total economy in many APEC economies and one that is of increased importance in those most affected by the current economic crisis. Women’s unpaid work forms the basis of the household economy and communities, as well as creating the future workforce. Unrecognized as having economic value and thus largely invisible to policy makers, unpaid work is a significant constraint to women’s capacity to respond to market incentives as workers and as entrepreneurs on an equal basis with men.

According to the Fundación BBVA research institute, Spain now has the second-largest number of immigrants as a proportion of the population in the developed world, after the United States. But immigrants are now losing their jobs at more than twice the rate of Spaniards, raising fears that they will turn to crime.

To ward off social tensions, the Spanish government is now rethinking its immigration policy. In 2005, Zapatero angered other European leaders by giving a blanket amnesty to 800,000 illegal immigrants. By contrast, he now supports the European Union’s Return Directive for undocumented workers. His government also wants to restrict family immigration to parents and their children under 18. The law currently allows grandparents and in-laws to join their families.

In July 2008, the Spanish government launched a scheme to pay unemployed migrant workers to return to their country of origin. The plan offers documented migrants who have lost their jobs two lump sums, one before they leave Spain and the other once they have returned home. In exchange, immigrants are required to hand over their residence visas and work permits and agree not to return to Spain for at least three years. But so far there have been only around 4,000 takers, a tiny fraction of Spain’s immigrant population.

Spain now seems to be turning to more draconian measures. Police in major Spanish cities like Madrid and Barcelona have been given weekly quotas for arresting illegal immigrants. According to a leaked internal memo, police in Madrid have a weekly target of 35 arrests, with priority given to seizing Moroccans because they can be sent home quickly and cheaply.

The problem of runaway immigration was a major issue during Spain’s 2008 general election. Toward the end of the campaign, the race turned decisively in Zapatero’s favor after his main opponent called for a crackdown on illegal immigration. At the time, Zapatero said the proposals were inhumane and many Spanish voters seemed to agree. But Zapatero’s recent about-face suggests an emerging consensus that Spain has a real problem, and one it needs to address more effectively.

Migrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus who have been living and working in the Russian Federation are returning home in ever increasing numbers, a trend that may ease ethnic tensions in Russia but one that is creating increasingly serious problems for many of their countries of origin.

Among the most serious are declines in transfer payments, which in many cases have formed a significant portion of the GDP of these countries, increases in unemployment, and a rise in both crime – many of the Gastarbeiters were in Russia illegally and thus may be more willing to operate outside the law – and nationalism, given Russian xenophobia.

And all of these trends are likely to undermine the ability of the often fragile “labor exporting” regimes in these countries to maintain order, especially if the former “importers” of their workers continue to suffer from the effects of the world economic crisis and impose additional restrictions on the importation of labor.

If the consequences of the presence of Gastarbeiters in Russia have attracted a great deal of political commentary and media attention, the impact of their departure – either temporary for the holidays or more permanently because of economic problems – on their homelands have received much less.

That is going to have to change if the region is to remain stable, Pertsev argues, but as he does not say, it is entirely possible that the former “importers” of labor from Central Asia and the Caucasus may now be the ones dragging their feet, given that the current economic and ethnic situation in their countries would make that approach popular at home.

Despite sluggishness in Russia’s overall labor market, Moscow’s labor market is hot—boasting a 0.9 percent unemployment rate, writes Peter Cappelli at Human Resource Executive. There are lessons here for the United States. He explains why:

The intensity of Moscow’s economy and the stagnation in the rest of the [Russian] economy are related. Despite having a population that is, by world standards, highly educated, the Russian economy is being held back by an apparent skill shortage….

The reason unemployment and underemployment is so high in the rest of Russia, even among those who appear to have skills, is that most workers have no way to indicate whether they can work effectively in modern businesses.

And precious few employers are willing to train and develop employees. We see this in most countries as well now, but it is much worse in Moscow because most of the companies are small, and there is no history of employee development. They rely on outside hiring, which is why wages are spiraling up.

Another factor is that the standards around education have eroded, so it is no longer clear what a degree from a particular university conveys in terms of abilities and competencies.

The problems with tunnel-vision recruiting—Cappelli says that Russian employers hardly acknowledge the concept of finding “diamonds in the rough among applicants”—are here in the United States as well, where most companies stick to a selective pool of candidates, Cappelli says. Neither are Moscow companies developing talent, he says, and U.S. employers are doing so “less and less.”

A recent Spanish government poll on the labour market situation in Spain with 60,000 respondents across the country has shown that unemployment has risen to 17% in the general population but to 27% among foreigners. In terms of policies developed to respond to the situation, legal channels are being restricted: the labour market sectors in which foreign workers can be invited to work have been drastically reduced compared to last year. The proposed reform of the law on Foreigners restricts the right to family reunification: while presently people with a 2-year legal stay can bring in their families including their parents, a 5-year legal stay will be required for the parents to join.
Moreover, the Spanish Ministry of Labour has introduced a scheme encouraging legal migrants to go back by paying them in two installments (first part paid in Spain, second part received at the country of origin) the unemployment allowance that they would receive if staying in Spain. Migrants who participate in this scheme undertake not to go back to Spain for the next three years. By January 2009, fewer than 1,000 migrants had opted for that scheme while current press reports put them at less than 3,000, not an impressive count considering that Spain has more than 4 million immigrants in total. According to recent evidence from qualitative research, new irregular migrants still arrive in Spain seeking for employment prospects in the underground economy.

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